Teroristinės organizacijos kaip socialiniai judėjimai. „Al-Qaeda“, „Hamas“, „Hezbollah“ ir „Islamo valstybės“ atvejų analizė
AbstractThis thesis aims to answer the question, whether all of the organizations – Al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah and the Islamic State could be considered as social movements by examining their evolution, means of communication and forms of political participation. According to Donatella Della Porta and Mario Diani, who introduced the definition for social movements, key attributes that distinguish social movements were assessed: informal network, in which individuals act and communicate, participation in conflictual relations with clearly identified opponents and sharing of particular collective identity. Evolution, political participation or response to either the changes of political conjuncture or political decisions and an advanced spectrum of communications, that is designed to mobilize resources and form a collective identity indicates that the organizations studied qualify for the dynamics of social movements while their evolution, resource and members’ mobilization structures as well as motivation for collective action could be explained by social movement theory. The study also revealed that all of the organizations use communications in order to legitimate its activities, propagate ideas and goals as well as intimidate clearly defined opponents, such as The United States, Western countries and Israel to persuade the target audiences that they are carrying out an aggressive stance against Muslims, which should be answered by uniting and seeking the goals relevant for every Muslim – to establish an Islamic state or caliphate and put an end to the occupation, naming the latter as a part of Western hegemonic intent. Hamas and Hezbollah movements, which participate in a political process, attain rarer retaliatory actions and are able to legitimate itself more easily, while Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State give a greater role to intimidating and participating in conflictual relations, therefore encounter more communicational challenges, which burden the legitimacy of their actions. Hamas and Hezbollah, alongside with having traditional propaganda measures, such as radio, television and various internet websites or jihadi forums, have established dense networks of social institutions, that play a significant role in mobilizing, recruiting and radicalizing functions, whilst Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State are forced to act in an underground, as they experience more intense repression and constant confrontation. They have also been constrained to using the instruments of collective identity shaping to not only radicalize, but recruit potential members as well. Although it is difficult to measure the effectiveness of every organization, present status quo indicates that Hamas and Hezbollah, which participate in political opportunity structures, encounter a confrontation of smaller intensity and are able to pursuit their goals with maintaining established institutions and territories, while Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State seem to have lost maintained territories and influence. In case of Al-Qaeda, such scenario led to decentralization and decreased significance. It is hard to tell what is the forecast for the Islamic State, but an advanced aggressive communication strategy, that enables the organization to reach potential supporters through social media while avoiding media barriers, seems to remain unbridled.