Zum Anlauf des "FDJ-Aufgebotes DDR 40": Ergebnisse einer Operativstudie ; Schnellinformation
Contributor(s)
Zentralinstitut für Jugendforschung (ZIJ)Keywords
Sociology & anthropologyPolitical science
Politikwissenschaft
Soziologie, Anthropologie
Jugendsoziologie, Soziologie der Kindheit
politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Political Process, Elections, Political Sociology, Political Culture
Sociology of the Youth, Sociology of Childhood
Socialist Unity Party of Germany (GDR)
adolescent
German Democratic Republic (GDR)
FDJ
opinion
national consciousness
youth policy
youth organization
identification
political attitude
SED
politische Einstellung
FDJ
Jugendlicher
DDR
Identifikation
Nationalbewusstsein
Meinung
Jugendpolitik
Jugendorganisation
Full record
Show full item recordOnline Access
http://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/40136Abstract
Im April 1988 wurden 1.769 Jugendliche befragt zur Resonanz des Aufrufes zum "FDJ-Aufgebot" anläßlich der Vorbereitung des 40. Gründungstages der DDR unter der Losung: "All unsere Liebe und Treue und unsere Tat gehören unserem sozialistischem Vaterland, der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik! Stärken und schützen wir es mit unseren Taten!" Ziel der Untersuchung war die Vorbereitung einer vom Zentralrat der FDJ gewünschten "großen Massenbewegung der gesamten Jugend". Auch in dieser Studie bestätigte sich eine "Labilisierung ideologischer Einstellungen", da sich im Vergleich zu den vorhergehenden Jahren erheblich weniger Jugendliche mit der DDR identifizierten (nur 34 Prozent fühlten sich mit der DDR "eng verbunden", nur 44 Prozent lebten "gern" in der DDR). Zu den inhaltlichen Zielen des FDJ-Aufrufes wurden hohe Zustimmungen bei den Fragen Lösung der Wohnungsfrage (91 Prozent "ist für mich sehr wichtig oder wichtig"), Pflege und Erhaltung der Umwelt (92 Prozent), Offene und ehrliche Diskussion politischer Fragen unserer Zeit (86 Prozent) und Streben nach höchsten Leistungen (85 Prozent) ermittelt. Die höchsten Ablehnungswerte ("überhaupt nicht wichtig") erzielten die Fragen "Wie ein Kommunist leben", "Mit den Aktivisten der ersten Stunde treffen und aus ihren Erfahrungen lernen" sowie "Den Marxismus-Leninismus studieren". (psz)Date
2014-10-09Type
research reportIdentifier
oai:gesis.izsoz.de:document/40136http://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/40136
urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-401360
Copyright/License
Deposit Licence - Keine Weiterverbreitung, keine BearbeitungCollections
Related items
Showing items related by title, author, creator and subject.
-
Governance Reform Under Real-World Conditions : Citizens, Stakeholders, and VoiceOdugbemi, Sina; Jacobson, Thomas (Washington, DC : World Bank, 2012-05-29)This book is a contribution to efforts to improve governance systems around the world, particularly in developing countries. It offers a range of innovative approaches and techniques for dealing with the most important nontechnical challenges that prevent many of those efforts from being successful or sustainable. By so doing, the book sets out the groundwork for governance reform initiatives. Its overarching argument is that the development community is not lacking the tools needed for technical solutions to governance challenges. The toolbox is overflowing; best practice manuals in various areas of interest tumble out of seminars and workshops. However, difficulties arise when attempts are made to apply what are often excellent technical solutions under real-world conditions. Human beings, acting either alone or in groups small and large, are not as amenable as are pure numbers. And they cannot be put aside. In other words, in the real world, reforms will not succeed, and they will certainly not be sustained, without the correct alignment of citizens, stakeholders, and voice.
-
Political Alternation as a Restraint on Investing in Influence : Evidence from the Post-Communist TransitionMilanovic, Branko; Horowitz, Shale; Hoff, Karla (World Bank, Washington, DC, 2008-10)The authors develop and implement a method for measuring the frequency of changes in power among distinct leaders and ideologically distinct parties that is comparable across political systems. The authors find that more frequent alternation in power is associated with the emergence of better governance in post communist countries. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that firms seek durable protection from the state, which implies that expected political alternation is relevant to the decision whether to invest in influence with the governing party or, alternatively, to demand institutions that apply predictable rules, with equality of treatment, regardless of the party in power.
-
Development Strategies : Integrating Governance and GrowthLevy, Brian; Fukuyama, Francis (World Bank, Washington, DC, 2014-09-02)A frontier challenge for development strategy is to move beyond prescribing optimal economic policies, and instead -- taking a broad view of the interactions between economic, political and social constraints and dynamics -- to identify entry points capable of breaking a low-growth logjam, and initiating a virtuous spiral of cumulative change. The paper lays out four distinctive sequences via which the different dimensions might interact and evolve over time, and provides country-specific illustrations of each. Each sequence is defined by the principal focus of its initial step: 1) State capacity building provides a platform for accelerated growth via improved public sector performance and enhanced credibility for investors; strengthened political institutions and civil society come onto the agenda only over the longer term; 2) Transformational governance has as its entry point the reshaping of a country's political institutions. Accelerated growth could follow, insofar as institutional changes enhance accountability, and reduce the potential for arbitrary discretionary action -- and thereby shift expectations in a positive direction; 3) For 'just enough governance', the initial focus is on growth itself, with the aim of addressing specific capacity and institutional constraints as and when they become binding -- not seeking to anticipate and address in advance all possible institutional constraints; 4) Bottom-up development engages civil society as an entry point for seeking stronger state capacity, lower corruption, better public services, improvements in political institutions more broadly -- and a subsequent unlocking of constraints on growth. The sequences should not be viewed as a technocratic toolkit from which a putative reformer is free to choose. Recognizing that choice is constrained by history, the paper concludes by suggesting an approach for exploring what might the scope for identifying practical ways forward in specific country settings.