Africa Development is the quarterly bilingual journal of CODESRIA. It is a social science journal whose major focus is on issues which are central to the development of society. Its principal objective is to provide a forum for the exchange of ideas among African scholars from a variety of intellectual persuasions and various disciplines. The journal also encourages other contributors working on Africa or those undertaking comparative analysis of developing world issues.


The library contains articles of Africa Development as of vol. 24(1999) to current.

Recent Submissions

  • Parents’ Engagement in Adult Literacy and its Impact on their Children’s Schooling

    Amenyah, EI (CODESRIA, 2013-04-19)
    This study examined the positive impact of adults’ engagement in literacyclasses and its relation to the retention and performance of their children’sschooling. It was hypothesized that adults who are pursuing personal goals by engaging and attending literacy classes when perceiving the instrumentality value of the learning activities have their children attend and succeed at their schooling. A mixed research methodology combining qualitative and quantitative approaches was used to collect and analyse data. Respondents included 132 adult learners and 20 volunteer teachers from ten different adult literacy classes across Togo. Results have shown that adults who engaged in learning and performed and persevered while attending literacy classes, show positive behaviours to their children and consequently were able to be involved in their children’s schooling by encouraging them to learn for better achievement and performance in school.Key Words: Adult Literacy; Performance and Perseverance; Education rolemodels.
  • Dispute Resolution and Electoral Justice in Africa: The Way Forward

    Nkansah, Lydia Apori (CODESRIA, 2017-12-01)
    This article examines electoral adjudication in Africa’s democratisation process. The idea of aggrieved persons instituting an election petition in court as opposed to resorting to violence is a positive sign in Africa’s democratisation process. The aggrieved are choosing the law as their arbiter. This practice will facilitate the institutionalisation of succession and entrench the rule of law and constitutionalism. However, there have been misgivings about the outcome of judicial adjudication of some of these electoral disputes. Electoral disputes are not always resolved expeditiously and courts’ decisions on such matters are sometimes overtaken by events. There is also the perception of judicial bias in some cases. In the same way the large numbers of election petitions put a lot of strain on the judiciary, clogging up the courts. Voter education on realistic expectations of elections by citizens should be intensified so that an election ends with the ballot and only genuine cases go through adjudication.Keywords: election adjudication, election disputes in Africa, electoral justice, election petitions, electoral integrity, and alternate election dispute resolutionLe présent article examine l’arbitrage électoral dans le processus de  démocratisation en Afrique. L’idée que des personnes  lésées introduisent une pétition électorale devant un tribunal au lieu de recourir à la violence est un signe positif dans le  processus de démocratisation en Afrique. Les lésés choisissent la justice comme leur arbitre, une pratique qui facilitera  l’institutionnalisation de l’alternance et renforcera la primauté du droit et du constitutionalisme. Cependant, il y a eu des doutes  quant à l’issue de l’arbitrage judiciaire de ces différends électoraux. Les différends électoraux ne se règlent pas rapidement et les décisions des tribunaux sur ces questions sont parfois dépassées par les événements Il y a en outre la perception d’une partialité judiciaire. De la même manière, le grand nombre de pétitions électorales met beaucoup de pression sur le pouvoir judiciaire, engorgeant ainsi les tribunaux. L’éducation des électeurs sur les attentes réalistes des citoyens concernant les élections devrait être intensifiée afin que les scrutins se terminent sur le verdict des urnes et que seuls les cas dûment fondés passent par l’arbitrage.Mots-clés: arbitrage électoral, litiges électoraux en Afrique, justice électorale, pétitions électorales, intégrité électorale, et règlement alternatif de litiges  électoraux
  • Introduction: The Contradictions and Ironies of Elections in Africa

    Ninsin, Kwame A (CODESRIA, 2016-05-16)
    This introduction interrogates the popular meaning attached to elections in a liberal democracy, where they are generally  regarded as expressing the political and civil rights of the citizens. It argues that contrary to this popular view, elections in Africa have become arenas where the elite contest for the consent of the people to  exercise state power. The people on their part  perceive elections as the entry for securing development projects to improve their material conditions. To this end, the elite employ various mechanisms such as intimidation, election fraud, and primordial identities like tribe and religion to bend election  outcomes in their favour. Added to these is poverty, which is employed by the elite to reduce the people to dependency within the framework of clientelism. The result is that elections in Africa tend to confer popular consent on the exercise of state power, but  only in the formal sense; in reality elections produce ‘choiceless democracies’.
  • Race, Class and Voting Patterns in South Africa’s Electoral System: Ten Years of Democracy

    Habib, Adam; Naidu, Sanusha (CODESRIA, 2016-05-16)
    In the run up to South Africa’s three national elections both academia and the media advocated that electoral behaviour would be informed by the race census thesis.  This article challenges this dominant thesis by using evidence from postapartheid South Africa’s three general elections which suggests that the racial census thesis is not the only factor that determines and/or explains voter behaviour of the South African electorate. The indications are that significant sections of the electorate make rational choices during elections, and decide on the bases of information  available to them that guides them to choose which party most closely represent their material and other interests. Therefore the article concludes that the link between racial/tribal identities and electoral behaviour is not strong enough and that opposition politicians who do not recognise this will continue to make the mistake of basing their electoral campaigns on crude racial assumptions about the South African electorate, resulting in failure to attract the support of a cross-section of the electorate. And the latter is bound to have negative consequences for the consolidation of democracy in the country. En Afrique du Sud, durant la période précédant les trois élections nationales, le monde académique et les media affirmaient que le comportement électoral de la population obéirait à la thèse du recensement social. Cet article remet en question cette thèse dominante en se servant d’exemples issus des trois élections générales de l’Afrique du Sud post-apartheid, qui montrent que la thèse du recensement social ne constitue pas l’unique facteur déterminant et/ou expliquant le comportement des électeurs sud-africains. Ces exemples indiquent que de larges portions de  l’électorat effectuent des choix rationnels durant les élections et se prononcent en fonction des informations qu’ils reçoivent, qui les poussent ensuite vers le parti qui représente le mieux leurs intérêts matériels et autres. L’article conclut ainsi en affirmant que le lien entre identités raciales/tribales et comportement électoral n’est pas suffisamment fort et que les représentants de l’opposition qui ne  reconnaissent pas ce fait continueront sur la mauvaise voie en basant leur  campagne électorale sur de grossières hypothèses raciales relatives à l’électorat sud-africain. Le risque est qu’ils n’arriveront certainement pas ainsi à s’attirer le soutien d’un échantillon représentatif de l’électorat. En outre, ceci aura forcément des conséquences négatives sur la consolidation de la démocratie dans ce pays.
  • Mozambique: The Rise of a Micro Dual State

    Meneses, MP; de Sousa Santos, B (CODESRIA, 2011-02-11)
    The decade from 1990 to 2000 was a period of sustained political activity in Africa, leading towards democratisation. Under this scope, Mozambiqueis widely seen as one paradigmatic success story. Yet, the country’s multiparty democratic system remains challenged by a strong authoritarianism that hampers open deliberation in political public discourse. This paper discusses some reasons for this democratic hold-up in Mozambique’s political and social transition within the broad and ongoing democratisation process in Sub-Saharan Africa. With an emphasis on the analysis of the political situation in the northern town of Angoche, this article argues that the persistence of central government  authoritarianism is a reminder of a political liberalisation without  democratising the political systems. Indeed, local municipal officialsare now elected and receive revenue transfers, but remain limited by other measures.2 The central state successfully resists attempts to devolve broader decision-making authority to municipalities. Far from the ideal Weberian type of state bureaucracy, public administration is highly politicised in the sense that the building up of the administrative capacities of the state are seen as a way of consolidating the political leverage of the ruling party – Frelimo. The paper defends, however, that indeed, a detailed analysis of the public political actions at local level, between distinct political structures, shows that successive authoritarian regimes have not totally erased the freedom of speech and thought, even if they have relegated opposition to ever more marginal spaces.RésuméLa décennie 1990/2000 a été caractérisée en Afrique par une activité politique soutenue orientée vers la démocratisation. Dans ce cadre, leMozambique est plutôt vu comme une réussite paradigmatique. Or, ce système démocratique de multipartisme continue à afficher des velléitésd’un fort autoritarisme peu propice au relèvement du niveau de la réflexion dans le discours politique public. Cette étude s’interesse aux raisons de ce blocage démocratique du processus de transition politique et social au Mozambique dans le cadre plus général du processus de démocratisation en cours en Afrique au sud du Sahara. En s’appuyant en particulier sur l’analyse de la situation politique de la ville d’Angoche, située au nord du pays, l’étude estime que le fait que le gouvernement central persiste dans l’autoritarisme est assez révélateur d’une libéralisation politique non suivie de la démocratisation des systèmes politiques. En effet, si les fonctionnaires municipaux locaux sont maintenant élus et reçoivent des fonds de transfert, ils restent, en revanche, limités par d’autres mesures.2 Le gouvernement central résisteavec succès à toute tentative d’élargir le mandat des municipalités en matière de prise de décision. Loin du modèle idéal wébérien de bureaucratie d’Etat, l’administration publique est fortement politicisée, en ce sens que le renforcement des capacités administratives de l’Etat est perçue comme un moyen de renforcer l’influence politique du parti au pouvoir – Frelimo. L’étude défend le fait qu’une analyse exhaustive des actions politiques publiques au niveau local, entre des structures politiques bien distinctes, montre que les régimes autoritaires successifs n’ont pas totalement supprimé la liberté d’expression et de pensée même s’ils ont repoussé l’opposition encore plus loin dans les espaces marginaux.
  • Perceptions de la « justice des vainqueurs » : engagements de la CPI et processus de paix et de réconciliation en Ouganda, en République démocratique du Congo et en Côte d’Ivoire

    Malewa, Jean-Pierre Fofé Djofia (CODESRIA, 2015-10-28)
    Le cycle des atrocités vécues dans les trois pays constituant notre champ d’observation tire principalement sa source dans la lutte pour la conquête ou la conservation du pouvoir couplée avec le non respect des règles. L’anéantissement des mécanismes d’alternance démocratique au pouvoir dans ces États définis comme des républiques génère des conflits armés infectés des crimes contre l’humanité et des crimes de guerre perpétrés par les différents protagonistes. Dans l’intermittence d’accalmie, les réclamations de la justice et le désir de la paix émergent comme préoccupations majeures. Comment les assouvir ? Que privilégier ? La justice ? Laquelle ? Ou plutôt la paix ? Laquelle ? À l’analyse, vraie justice, indépendante, impartiale, égale pour tous, et paix véritable ne sont pas des objectifs antinomiques. Des mécanismes nationaux et internationaux à déployer doivent tendre au triomphe de celle-là pour qu’advienne celle-ci et que règne une réconciliation durable. La CPI a des atouts légaux lui permettant d’y contribuer significativement, à condition que ces derniers soient mis en oeuvre de façon efficiente.English AbstractThe cycle of atrocities experience in the three countries that constitute our field of study drawn primarily its source from the fight for power conquest or conservation, coupled with non-compliance with the rules. Annihilation of democratic alternation mechanisms in power in these States, defined as republic, generate armed conflict infected with crimes against humanity and war crimes perpetrated by various belligerents. During the Intermittence of lulls, claims for justice and desire for peace emerge as major concerns. How can they be responded to? What should be given priority ? Justice ? Which one ? Or peace rather ? Which peace? When we analyse, true justice: independent, impartial, fair to all; and true peace are not incompatible. The national and international mechanism to be deployed must move towards the triumph of the one for the other to come to reality and for sustainable reconciliation to reign. The ICC has all the legal assets which enable it to significantly contribute to that, provided these assets are put to work efficiently.
  • State Failure, Crisis of Governance and Disengagement from the State in Africa

    Animashaun, MA (CODESRIA, 2011-02-11)
    The post-colonial state in Africa has continued to dominate the public space on the continent in spite of its well advertised failings. It is widelyacknowledged in the literature that the African state has utterly failed in achieving material advancement for its people, leading disenchanted and frustrated citizens to take a ‘flight’ from the state and develop parallel structures to tend to their socio-economic and cultural needs. This situation, symptomatic of a crisis of governance, provides immediate explanation for the contested character of Africa’s public sphere. This paper examines the nature of contestation in Africa’s public sphere between the two dominant actors in the sphere – the state and civil society, the ideological underpinnings of this contestation and the impact of domestic and external contexts on the contestation. The paper observes that the declining capacity of the state for social provisioning provides the context for citizens’ withdrawal from the public space occupied by the state. The paper argues that disengagement from the state, apart from not serving the interest of both the state and civil society, has serious implications for governing Africa’s public sphere.RésuméL’Etat post-colonial en Afrique a continué à occuper largement l’espace public sur le continent malgré ses échecs bien connus. La littérature a généralement reconnu l’échec de l’Etat en Afrique qui n’a toujours pas répondu aux attentes quant à la réalisation de progrès matériel pour sonpeuple. Ceci a poussé les citoyens désenchantés et frustrés à « fuir » l’Etat et à créer des structures parallèles, afin de prendre en charge leurs propres besoins socioéconomiques et culturels. Ce phénomène qui estsymptomatique de la crise de gouvernance est la toute première  explication de la nature contestataire de la sphère publique en Afrique. Cette étude se penche sur la nature de la contestation qui oppose deuxprincipaux acteurs dans la sphère publique – l’Etat et la société civile –,les soubassements idéologiques de cette contestation et l’impact des contextes interne et externe sur cette contestation. D’après cette étude, l’incapacité croissante de l’Etat à assurer le social créé le contexte pour le retrait des citoyens de l’espace public occupé par l’Etat. Le désengagementpar rapport à l’Etat, outre le fait qu’il ne sert pas les intérêts de celui-ci niceux de la société civile, a de graves implications pour la gouvernance dela sphère publique en Afrique.
  • No African Futures without the Liberation of Women: A Decolonial Feminist Perspective

    Nkenkana, Akhona (CODESRIA, 2015-10-28)
    Coloniality of gender speaks to the perennial question of the liberation of women from various forms of oppression. The ‘modern’ world system and its global order have remained fundamentally patriarchal. This implies that any initiative aimed at creating African futures has to address the fundamental question of the liberation of women. Liberation of women does not speak to the incorporation of women within the patriarchal system. The first step, as Thomas Sankara said in his 1987 speech, is to understand how the patriarchal system functions, to grasp its real nature in all its subtlety, in order to work out a line of action that can lead to women’s genuine emancipation. Decolonising gender therefore becomes a necessary task so that answers to what should be done are formulated from the perspective of asking correct questions. Decolonising gender is to enact a critique of racialized, colonial, and capitalist heterosexualist gender oppression as a lived transformation of the social (Lugones 2010). As such, decolonizing gender places the scholar in the midst of people in a historical, peopled, subjective/intersubjective understanding of the oppressing-resisting relation at the intersection of complex systems of oppression. To a significant extent, it has to be in accord with the subjectivities and intersubjectivities that construct and in part are constructed by the situation. This article deploys decolonial feminist ideas of Thomas Sankara, amomg others, to push forward the frontiers of the struggle for the liberation of women as a constitutive part of initiatives of creating African futures. Its central argument is that women’s liberation struggle should not be reduced to efforts of incorporation of women within the patriarchal, colonial and imperial modern system/s women seek to reject. Making use of Maria Lugones’ theoretical framework, we should be able to understand that the instrumentality of the colonial/modern gender system is subjecting both men and women of colour in all domains of existence and therefore allows us to reveal that the gender transformation discourse is not just a women’s emancipation discourse but rather efforts of both men and women to overcome the colonial global structure that is subjectifying in different ways. The change of the system and its structures, which are essentially patriarchal, is the main mechanism that will bring about possible equal futures for women in Africa, as case studies of Rwanda and South Africa show in the article.
  • The Justice versus Reconciliation Dichotomy in the Struggle Against Gross Human Rights Violations: The Nigerian Experience

    Olugbuo, Benson; Hassan, Idayat (CODESRIA, 2015-10-28)
    The Boko Haram conflict in Nigeria has caused a lot of deaths, mass abductions and gross human rights abuses resulting in the dislocation of several families as refugees in neighbouring countries. Other victims have been rendered homeless and destitute as internally displaced persons. The Nigerian government’s response has not been very effective fuelling the suspicion that the insurgency is a combination Islamic militancy and political competition for power. It does not seem that the solution to the Boko Haram conflict is military engagement as other conflicts have shown. This article uses the Nigerian experience between the Niger Delta militants and the Boko Haram insurgency as a case study to discuss the difficult choices between peace, justice and reconciliation. It focuses on the activities of international justice institutions, provisions of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and the debate between amnesty, prosecution and the interests of justice. The article argues that the emergence of Boko Haram as a terrorist group in Nigeria affiliated with other international terrorist groups has raised the stakes. The involvement of the Court in the conflict is also very significant as it is not bound by any amnesty or reconciliation programme that could be reached between the Nigerian government and Boko Haram members.
  • Irregular Migration and Vulnerability to HIV&AIDS: Some Observations from Zimbabwe

    Maphosa, F (CODESRIA, 2013-04-19)
    Mobile populations are at very high risk of HIV infection. At the same time,they can be catalysts in its spread. Migration from Matabeleland region inZimbabwe to South Africa has several features that increase this dual disposition of those involved. These features include the largely irregular nature of migration, its circulatory nature, increasing feminisation as well as the working and living conditions of the migrants in the host country. Irregular migration exposes migrants to various forms of abuse by thugs, those who purport to assist them on the way and law enforcement agents. At the country of destination, undocumented migrants are often employed in precarious forms of jobs which expose them to abuse by employers and other workers. Female irregular migrants are particularly at risk both on transit and at destination. Although they often spend extended periods of time away from home, migrants occasionally return to their spouses or partners at home. This increases the risk of infection for spouses and partners who are often unable to negotiate for safe sex. Usingobservations from studies conducted in Ward Seven of Matabeleland Province in Zimbabwe, this article discusses some of the factors that expose migrants, particularly irregular migrants, to HIV infection as well making them catalysts in its spread.
  • International Criminal Justice, Peace and Reconciliation in Africa: Re-imagining an Agenda Beyond the ICC

    Odinkalu, Chidi Anselm (CODESRIA, 2015-10-28)
    The system established by the statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is founded on the principle of complementarity, i.e. that the ICC complements national legal systems. As such, conceptually, the Court is a support system and system of last resort for when domestic systems are ‘unwilling or unable’ to undertake accountability. This develops the argument that progress in addressing mass atrocities in Africa should be seen in increments not in quantum leaps. As such, this article seeks to reconstruct a regional trajectory of accountability for mass atrocities in Africa with evidence grounded in both state practice and the histories of African countries. It argues that such historically grounded narrative is essential if the mission of international justice in Africa is not to be misplaced. Contrary to popular narrative which tends to suggest that Africa’s institutions have tolerated these atrocities, this paper marshals considerable historical evidence to suggest that African institutions have, over time, made considerable progress in discouraging them through different forms of accountability. It explores different ways in which these regional efforts can be supported by looking beyond the ICC and re-imagining international justice.
  • Emerging Questions on the Shifting Sino-Africa Relations: ‘Win-Win’ or ‘Win-Lose’?

    Bbaala, Phineas (CODESRIA, 2015-10-28)
    Orthodox scholarly discourse on the theme of Sino-Africa relations has tended to accentuate the efficacy of the South-South alternative to development, chiefly as the vehicle for mitigating the developing countries’ peripheral status in the global order. Literature has accused the North-South economic relations of favouring the former. In search of justice and fair play in international political and economic relations, most African countries started ‘looking east’, mainly towards China. Notwithstanding China’s long solidarity with Africa throughout the liberation struggle, and its contribution to the continent through foreign direct investment, infrastructure development, trade and bilateral aid, some of its recent engagements with the continent have raised questions of neo-colonialism tantamount to those in the North-South relations. The new Sino-Africa relations are being viewed by many as mainly driven by China’s hunger for Africa’s natural resources and the search for international markets for its manufactures, and business opportunities for its multinational corporations. The article argues that the new Sino-Africa economic relations, although still largely ‘win-win’, could soon plunge into ‘win-lose’ relations in favour of China.Keywords: Global justice; China; Africa; resources; market; neo-colonialism
  • The Case for a Modest Assessment of the International Criminal Justice Processes in Rwanda, Sierra Leone, and Some Lessons for Liberia

    Morgan, Andrew; Jalloh, Charles Chernor (CODESRIA, 2015-10-28)
    This article seeks to evaluate the role and contributions of the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) to the task of dispensing justice to those most responsible for the commission of international crimes during the Rwandan and Sierra Leonean conflicts. The authors contrast those two situations to that of Liberia, where a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was set up in lieu of criminal accountability. The article argues that part of the unfair criticism of international criminal law is driven by the unrealistic expectation that ad hoc criminal courts such as the ICTR and the SCSL should not only dispense credible justice, but also help to restore peace and promote national reconciliation in deeply divided post-conflict societies. The article posits that even in best case scenarios, such courts can only mete out justice to individual perpetrators of horrific crimes in fair trials that comply with their statutes and international human rights law. An argument is therefore made for a return of these courts to their primary intended roles as criminal courts. Towards that end, the work of the ICTR and the SCSL are tested against eight factors relevant to assessing their achievements and limitations as criminal courts. The article shows that those special tribunals made important contributions to the process of justice for victims of atrocity crimes in Rwanda and Sierra Leone.
  • Between Tunnel Vision and a Sliding Scale: Power, Normativity and Justice in the Praxis of the International Criminal Court

    Ngwaba, Uchechukwu; Okafor, Obiora Chinedu (CODESRIA, 2015-10-28)
    This article examines the relatively extensive, liberal and increasing deployment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) as the central mechanism for redressing gross human rights abuses in Africa. It shines the spotlight on how global and domestic power matrices affect the character and behaviour of international criminal justice norms and institutions, including our sense of what the model approach to international criminal justice ought to be in Africa and elsewhere. Three inter-related arguments are advanced as follows: first, the deployment of the ICC to help redress gross human rights abuses on the African continent has its pros and cons, but its deployment to play a central role as it currently does is fraught with suspicion as regards the true intention; second, when it comes to redressing the gross human rights abuses that are committed on the African continent, as elsewhere, the ICC is not the only viable and available option – there are a range of other reasonable options in the repertoire of international criminal law and policy; and third, it is largely because of the interplay of domestic and global power matrices (and not in the main because of some immanent sense of morality or logic) that international criminal justice has increasingly tended to take one particular, generally inflexible, ICC-heavy, form in its encounters with gross human rights abuses in Africa.
  • The International Criminal Court, Justice, Peace and the Fight against Impunity in Africa: An Overview

    Mangu, André Mbata (CODESRIA, 2015-10-28)
    The year 2013 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the Organisation of African Unity that was replaced with the African Union (AU). It coincided with a great deal of criticism against the International Criminal Court (ICC) by AU member states that were yet instrumental in its creation and referred most of its cases. Using a combined international law and a political science approach, this article aims to contribute to the debate that has been raging on the ICC since it indicted some African leaders. It holds that although much of the criticism is unfounded, the ICC should gain in terms of legitimacy by improving its operations as an impartial court not subjected to the superpowers within the UN Security Council. Instead of withdrawing from the Rome Statute, African States should also comply with their obligations and cooperate with the ICC from which the majority of their people still expect so much. Based on its human rights record, this article argues that the AU’s attempt to bypass the ICC by establishing an international criminal law section mandated to deal with international crimes within the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights is unlikely to end impunity and promote peace on the continent.
  • « Flamber moins et investir utile »: La Promotion de l’entrepreneuriat chez des Migrants de Retour au Sénégal

    Dimé, M (CODESRIA, 2015-09-08)
    L’objectif de cet article est de proposer un état des lieux des nombreuses initiatives de promotion de l’investissement chez des migrants de retour au Sénégal. Il s’appuie sur une série de données qualitatives recueillies auprès de migrants de retour ayant des profils variés (sexe, niveau de qualification, origine ethnique, appartenance confrérique, nombre d’années restées à l’extérieur, pays d’accueil, type d’activité exercé, expérience de retour, etc.). D’abord, nous documenterons l’expérience et les itinéraires migratoires, les déterminants et la réalisation du retour, la naissance de la vocation d’entrepreneur et les stratégies et les secteurs d’activités. Ensuite, nous ferons ressortir les obstacles d’ordre social, économique, culturel et institutionnel à la réalisation du projet d’investissement. Nous verrons ainsi dans quelle mesure l’expérience migratoire, la somme de ressources (symboliques, matérielles, capitalisées) et le nouvel ethos de valeurs entrepreneuriales acquises dans le cadre de la migration sont mobilisés ou non, au service de la nouvelle vocation d’homme ou de femme d’affaires. Enfin, nous proposerons une évaluation des politiques mises en place, notamment par les acteurs étatiques, pour accompagner les initiatives économiques des émigrés porteurs de projets d’investissement tout en faisant ressortir un ensemble de propositions mises de l’avant par les personnes que nous avons interrogées pour lever les contraintes auxquelles elles disent faire face.Mots clefs: Migration de Retour, Investissement, Entrepreneuriat, Contraintes, Enjeux, Sénégal, Réinsertion, Programmes de PromotionAbstractThe objective of this article is to provide an overview of the many investment initiatives put in place by returning migrants in Senegal. It is based on a series of qualitative data collected from returning migrants with diverse profiles (gender, skill level, ethnicity, brotherhood, years spent abroad, host countries, type of business, the experience of returning back home, etc.). The article starts by documenting the experience of the returning migrants, their motivations, their entrepreneurial vocation as well as the strategies involved in setting up their business concerns. The article also highlights the social, economic, cultural and institutional barriers to the implementation of the investment project. The article shows the manner in which the migration experience, the amount of resources (symbolic, material) and the new ethos of entrepreneurial values gained through migration are employed in the new vocation. Finally, suggestions are offered for an evaluation of the policies to support economic initiatives of migrants while bringing out a set of proposals put forward by the people we interviewed to mitigate the various challenges they are confronted with.Keywords: Migration, Investment, Entrepreneurship, Constraints
  • Renaissance Africaine: l’environnement Juridique

    Diakhaté, MB (CODESRIA, 2015-09-08)
    La vie en société appelle nécessairement une réglementation et une régulation. Il se constitue donc dans tout groupe humain un mécanisme d’encadrement des rapports entre les individus lié à la culture que l’on nomme : droit. C’est dire que le droit est un paramètre indéniable de la culture. On peut aussi affirmer que c’est l’un de ses éléments les plus dynamiques. Car le droit est aussi déterminant pour la culture qu’il en est une manifestation caractéristique. On relève ainsi une interaction qui rend le droit indissociable de la culture…Lorsque l’on pose la thématique de la renaissance africaine, le droit y trouve nécessairement sa place comme révélateur et moteur de culture. De là à avancer le postulat suivant lequel la renaissance africaine suppose l’émergence de systèmes juridiques en phase avec les cultures de l’Afrique, il y a une distance qu’il faut franchir résolument. De fait, le droit étant avant tout un phénomène humain, tout groupe sécrète son propre droit, ses codes de conduite, ses modes de solidarité et cela se vérifie en Afrique. C’est aussi dire que l’Afrique est une entité socioculturelle, bien que marquée par de grandes diversités. Ces diversités culturelles, linguistiques, ethniques et donc juridiques, qui la caractérisent, ne sont pas exclusives de principes communs susceptibles de nourrir les bases de systèmes juridiques endogènes. Ainsi, pris sous l’angle juridique, le contenu programmatique de la renaissance africaine pourrait être défini en tenant compte d’un ensemble de données historiques, sociologiques et économiques. Cela appelle une mobilisation de sources et ressources pluridisciplinaires et un effort de conceptualisation. C’est dans cet objectif que l’article présenté ici pose quelques problématiques et traces des pistes de discussions.AbstractCommunity life necessarily requires rules and regulations. Therefore, every human settlement generates from within a mechanism to govern relationships between individuals related to culture which is called: law. This means that law is an unquestionable cultural feature. We can also say that this is one of the most dynamic elements. Actually, law is also crucial to culture because it is an emanation of culture. There are a number of interactions that closely bind law to culture...When it comes to the theme of African Renaissance, law necessarily comes into play as a cultural feature and engine. Before positing that the African renaissance facilitates the emergence of legal systems in line with the cultures of Africa there is a gap that necessarily needs to be bridged. In fact, law being primarily a human phenomenon, each group breeds its own law, codes, its solidarity mechanisms and this applies to Africa. This also means that Africa is a socio-cultural entity although markedly diverse. These cultural, linguistic, ethnic diversities and therefore legal, that characterize it are not exclusive of common principles capable of supplying the foundations of endogenous legal systems. Thus, taken from a legal standpoint, the programmatic content of the African renaissance could be defined based on a set of historical, sociological and economic data. This calls for a mobilization of sources and multidisciplinary resources and conceptualization efforts. It is in this end that hereby article raises some issues and gives room to discussions.
  • Développement de l’orpaillage et Mutations dans les Villages Aurifères du Sud-est du Sénégal

    Doucouré, B (CODESRIA, 2015-09-08)
    Dans le sud-est du Sénégal, en l’occurrence la région de Kédougou, le développement croissant de l’orpaillage à partir des années 2000 a entraîné de nombreuses mutations dans les villages aurifères et les zones d’orpaillage. Celles-ci sont à la fois d’ordre social, démographique, politique, économique et environnemental. Cet article est centré sur l’analyse de ces mutations ainsi que de leurs multiples implications sur la vie des individus, des groupes et des communautés, sur l’environnement, sur les micro-économies et sur l’organisation sociopolitique des villages et des zones concernés. Il montre en définitive que, jusqu’ici, l’orpaillage a plutôt donné lieu à un développement problématique conduisant vers un phénomène de « phagédénisme multidimensionnel », c’est-à-dire la tendance à l’extension, au développement et à l’aggravation des problèmes sur le plan social, économique, environnemental, etc.AbstractIn south-eastern Senegal, namely the Kedougou region, the increasing development of gold panning from the 2000s has led to many changes in auriferous villages and gold panning areas. These changes are of social, demographic, political, economic and environmental nature. This paper focuses on the analysis of changes and their multiple implications on the lives of individuals, groups and communities, as well as the environment, micro-economies and the socio-political organization of villages and areas concerned. It ultimately shows that so far gold panning has rather resulted in a problematic development leading to the “multidimensional phagedena” phenomenon, that is to say the tendency to spreading, deepening and worsening problems at social, economic, environmental levels, etc.
  • Are Ghanaian Diaspora Middle Class? Linking Middle Class to Political Participation and Stability in Ghana

    Hamidu, J (CODESRIA, 2015-09-08)
    Ghana, like many African countries, has had its fair share of political instability in the aftermath of independence. In the late 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, the country witnessed some political turbulence, marked especially by a long period of dictatorial military rule. However, since the return to constitutional rule in 1992, Ghana has emerged as one of the most stable countries in the West African sub-region and has become a beacon of democracy for other African countries to emulate. This political stability has been largely attributed to the positive role of the educated middle class from the diaspora. This article provides a case study of the Ghanaian diaspora, as middle class and the role they have played and continue to play in maintaining Ghana’s political stability. A field work was conducted between February 2012 and May 2013 to ascertain what constitutes Ghana’s middle class and establish their link to political stability in Ghana. The sample consisted of 52 respondents in Accra who were interviewed using a semi-structured questionnaire. What constitutes the Ghanaian middle class? How do they organise themselves politically? Are they truly the vanguard of political stability in Ghana? If so, how have they accomplished this? These are some of the questions the article will provide answers to.Keywords: Diaspora, Middle Class, Political Participation
  • Retours, Circulations, Installations? Les Reconfigurations du Système Migratoire Ivoiro-burkinabè

    Boyer, F; Néya, S (CODESRIA, 2015-09-08)
    Dans cet article – basé sur des données collectées à la fois à Ouagadougou et dans la province de la Comoé, (Burkina Faso) auprès des migrants de retour de Côte d’Ivoire ainsi qu’à bord du train reliant Ouagadougou à Abidjan – sont discutées les notions de retour et de circulation. Non seulement le retour ne débouche pas sur la rupture des liens transnationaux, mais il participe à la reconfiguration du système migratoire ivoiro-burkinabè. En effet, ce retour vers le pays d’origine peut constituer une opportunité pour s’orienter vers de nouveaux lieux pouvant s’instituer comme des espaces de ressource et de circulation.AbstractThis article discusses the concepts of return and free movement of people based on data collected in Ouagadougou and the province of Comoé  (Burkina Faso) from returnee migrants coming from Ivory Coast, as well as along the railroad linking Ouagadougou to Abidjan. It shows that a return fosters transnational ties and helps to reconfigure the Ivoiro-Burkinabe migratory systems.

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